CES Fellows

Meet Our 2018-2019 CES Fellows

The Center for Engaged Scholarship, a project of Community Initiatives, is pleased to announce our 2018-2019 fellows.  These five winners will receive $25,000 to support the writing of their Ph.D. dissertations.

Deisy Del Real

Department of Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles

Documenting the Undocumented: How Migrant Sending and Receiving Countries in South America Use Mercosur to Resolve Undocumented Migration

My dissertation analyzes why in the last 20 years the South American governments responded to increases in undocumented immigration from neighboring countries by passing immigration policies that facilitate access to legalization and rights. Specifically, I analyzed the role of Mercosur and its migration groups because it provides delegates from migrant sending and receiving countries resources to meet and negotiate migration issues.

Of particular importance, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay adapted Mercosur’s Residency Agreements as national policy in 2009 in order to facilitate migrants’ access to legal residency and rights.

This successful national adaptation of these agreements is puzzling because Mercosur cannot legally enforce regional policy. Thus, drawing on original databases of immigration laws, economic and migration indicators, and 124 in-depth interviews with governmental and non-governmental actors involved in migratory policymaking, I identify the informal enforcement mechanisms that facilitated the national adoption of the agreements in these six countries.

Idit Fast

Department of Sociology, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey

What it Takes to Integrate: The Implementation and Outcomes of a Voluntary Integration Plan in Three Public Elementary School

My dissertation explores the issues that stand at the heart of creating socio-economically integrated schools. I study three elementary public schools in New York City implementing a new ‘diversity initiative’.

The initiative aims to halt or reverse a process of ‘school gentrification’ through which schools that traditionally served low income students of color now serve growing numbers of more affluent white students because of gentrification in their communities.

Unlike many historical attempts of desegregation, this initiative is voluntary, and schools that participate have an administration and parental leadership that are formally committed to integration.

I argue that parents from different backgrounds have different perceptions of pedagogy, discipline infractions, PTA fundraising, and social-justice work in schools. The different perspectives must be addressed and discussed if schools are to create a meaningful integrated environment.

Chris Herring

Department of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley

Managing Marginality: Homeless Seclusion and Survival

My dissertation Managing Marginality: Homeless Seclusion and Survival is a comparative and relational ethnography of the three signature institutions governing homelessness in the US metropolis: the streets, shelter, and housing-first programs.

The research deploys a unique double-edged enactive ethnography: living alongside those experiencing homelessness in encampments, shelters, and residential hotels, and also working alongside bureaucrats, activists, and service providers addressing homelessness.

Rather than taking homelessness as the end-point or outcome of poverty and inequality, the dissertation elaborates how the local state’s treatments of homelessness through an array of agencies working across these three institutions fuels inequality from below - perpetuating poverty for some groups while mitigating it for others through a process of deprivation by distribution.

Madeleine Pape

Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin-Madison

The Institutional Reproduction of Sex and Gender

I am a sociologist whose interests include gender, political sociology, and science and technology studies.

My dissertation research examines how ideas about sex difference are influenced by the actions taken by governing bodies.  More specifically, how do governing bodies succeed in re-asserting sex as binary, biological, and distinct from gender, despite alternative notions becoming more credible as a result of transgender, intersex, queer, and feminist activism and scholarship? I ask this question in relation to the rule-making efforts of two governing bodies: first, the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF), the peak governing body for the sport of track-and-field, and their regulations that use testosterone to determine who is eligible to compete as a female athlete; and second, the National Institutes of Health in the United States, and their recent policies mandating sex inclusion in preclinical research.

By examining how sex difference is governed in the context of international sport and biomedicine, I aim to contribute to progressive efforts to redefine sex and gender by identifying the mechanisms by which certain accounts of the nature of sex, and its relationship to gender, become institutionalized.

To Be Announced

Due to their ongoing research, we will identify this fellow by late August.

2018-2019 Honorable Mentions

Kaisha Esty

Department of History, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey

‘A Crusade Against the Despoiler of Virtue’: Black Women, Social Purity and the Gendered Politics of the Negro Problem, 1840-1920

My research explores how the sexual ethics of black women shaped women’s rights activism and Progressive moral reform in the United States. Covering the period between 1840 and 1920, it charts the rise of the Social Purity movement, from its grassroots origins to state power, and argues it was sustained by discursively naturalizing the sexual exploitability of black women.

The Social Purity movement – a euphemism for sexual purity – emerged during Reconstruction as white anxieties over a society facing moral decline intensified. Mobilized by middle-class white women, purists campaigned to ban prostitution, raise the age of sexual consent and eradicate the sexual double standard. Yet, despite their extreme vulnerability to sexual exploitation and abuse, black women were marginalized from the movement. Paradoxically, mainstream women’s rights rested on white women’s defenselessness as it was constructed upon racialized ideas of who qualifies for female political empowerment and sexual protection, and who does not.

My dissertation highlights this crucial tension point in US women’s history. Beginning in slavery it argues that black women fashioned a moral tradition and mode of gendered activism around chastity that achieved mainstream political urgency by the late nineteenth century. Unlike their white counterparts, enslaved and free black women applied ideals of chastity to their strategies of resistance and struggles for sexual self-sovereignty in a society that denied them sexual moral agency, the expectation of patriarchal protection, and access to ideals of womanhood.

My project thus highlights the racialized dichotomy upon which social purity rested. It recovers the role that black women’s struggles for sexual self-sovereignty played in this movement, and fundamentally reveals how disenfranchised female communities have deployed gendered conservative ideals for radical ends.

Rhea Myerscough

Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley

Regulating Poverty: Race, Business, and the Politics of Payday Lending, 1990-2015

Faced with welfare retrenchment, rising income volatility, and an exponential increase in housing costs, the U.S. working class relies on credit to make ends meet. For millions with no or low credit scores, this credit comes in the form of high-cost cash advances such as payday or auto-title loans. When these products are loosely regulated, borrowers—who are disproportionately poor and Black or Latina/o—experience extended periods of indebtedness that exacerbate existing racial wealth inequalities.

The regulation of markets that low-income households rely on to survive financially is an overlooked political arena with significant consequences for inequality. Policies such as payday lending regulation straddle two different domains—regulatory policy and welfare policy. In policy-making processes, borrowers’ preferences compete against concentrated business interests and racialized stigmas associated with debt and financial hardship.

My dissertation identifies the conditions under which state-level payday lending regulation changes in ways that reduce inequality. To analyze these dynamics, I construct an original dataset of payday lending regulation across all 50 states from 1990 through 2015. I also generate a novel measure of the financial risk faced by borrowers under different regulatory configurations. Using in-depth interviews, public hearing transcripts, roll call voting records, and demographic data, I examine the advocacy strategies, policy discourse, and patterns of political support in cases of attempted and successful policy change across place and time.

This project identifies the racial and social dynamics that shape the politics of payday lending regulation. More broadly, the project speaks to the challenges and possibilities of policy-making when target populations are affected by stigmatized experiences such as debt, addiction, or incarceration.

Elsa Noterman

Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Madison

Vacant Geographies: (Dis)possession, Resistance, and Speculative Futures in Philadelphia’s Abandoned Properties

Abandoned lots and buildings are a ubiquitous feature of post-industrial U.S. cities, markers of the recent housing crisis, and perennial sources of concern for policymakers, researchers, and residents alike. In Philadelphia, where some neighborhoods are currently experiencing a development boom, properties deemed to be ‘vacant’ are increasingly contested as residents challenge prevailing understandings of ‘highest and best use.’

Using archival, legal, and participatory research, my research examines emerging conflicts over the use, value, and ownership of these spaces. In doing so, it puts forward a politically productive framework for considering geographies of vacancy, which recognizes that not only are vacant properties not empty or stable, but they do critical work.

These properties reflect the violent processes that produce them, but also reveal the limits to these processes – limits that offer analytical openings for destabilizing normative notions of law, private property, and urban commons.

Angela M. Simms

Department of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania

Power, Privilege, and Peril: The Politics of the Black Middle Class in a Majority-Black and Majority-Middle Class Suburban Country

To understand how Blacks’ politics shape and are shaped by the contemporary political economy, I ask the questions: In a suburban county where Blacks are the population majority, and where they have significant legislative and executive authority, how is the political agenda developed? What are the policy priorities? Who benefits from these priorities? I focus on three domains: (1) budget development, (2) land use policy and economic development, and (3) public schools.

My data are ethnographic, including direct observation of policy and budget deliberation processes and interviews with people involved in Prince George’s County (PGC), Maryland, politics. I also interview non-politically-engaged residents.

PGC is a majority-Black and middle class suburban county of just under one million residents. It borders Washington, D.C., and has the largest concentration of middle-class Blacks in the United States.

Click here to meet last year’s fellows

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